Sunday, November 09, 2014
Satyamev Jayate - Season 3 | Episode 6 | When Masculinity Harms Men
Friday, September 12, 2014
Friday, August 29, 2014
BANARAS CONVENTION {PART - 2}
"To get in touch with the many problems, still existing in Indian society, this Brochure should be a Symbol to “feel” and don’t forget, what’s still worth to fighting for – the beauty and variety of India and its people. Don’t leave them behind!" – Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi, CEO PVCHR
Thursday, August 28, 2014
BANARAS CONVENTION {PART - 1}
"To get in touch with the many problems, still existing in Indian society, this Brochure should be a Symbol to “feel” and don’t forget, what’s still worth to fighting for – the beauty and variety of India and its people. Don’t leave them behind!" – Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi, CEO PVCHR
Saturday, April 19, 2014
The need of the hour is to create new dynamics and debate within India: Lenin Raghuvanshi
Friday, January 10, 2014
...जब इटली से आए विदेशियों ने यहां लगाई दिलचस्प पंचायत!
Friday, December 27, 2013
Fighting caste discrimination
Raghuvanshi is the founder of the People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), which fights for the rights of marginalized people in several North Indian states, especially in the area around Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh.
Raghuvanshi was born in an upper caste family, which he describes as “feudal”. He got a bachelor’s degree in ayurveda, modern medicine and surgery from the State Ayurvedic College in Haridwar. But the social inequities that faced India made him take up the cause of bonded labourers. This is when he noticed that not a single bonded labourer came from the upper caste, and realised that the problem was essentially caste.
In 1996, Raghuvanshi founded PVCHR to fight the caste system. He works to ensure basic rights to vulnerable groups like children, women, Dalits, tribes and minorities. Raghuvanshi and his team works at the grassroots level in Varanasi and around 200 villages in Uttar Pradesh and five other states. PVCHR works to eliminate situations that give rise to the exploitation of vulnerable and marginalized groups, and to start a movement for a people-friendly movement (Jan Mitra Samaj) through an inter-institutional approach.
Raghuvanshi has his task cut out for him since the lot of Dalits and other oppressed minorities continues to be dismal. “In the past, if anyone from the lower caste breached the unwritten law of caste hierarchy, the person would be beaten up in public. Now the person will be shot dead and the village burnt down and the women raped. A bridegroom riding a horse during his wedding, an enterprising peasant digging a well on his land, if a boy falls in love with a girl – do you kill them? Yet, if they belong to the Dalit caste they are killed. We still say that there is rule of law in India,” he said in his acceptance speech while receiving the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights.
He is also concerned about the plight of women and children in this country. “India is still very much a patriarchal and caste-based society with gender discrimination. The destructive effects of gender discrimination, patriarchal oppression and the semi-feudal society so prevalent in 21st century India are manifest in our 55 million children, employed at times in subhuman conditions,” he says in a newspaper interview.
Raghuvanshi received the Gwangju Human Rights Award in 2007. He was made an Ashoka Fellow in 2001 and was presented the International Human Rights Prize of the City of Weimar (Germany) in 2010. Raghuvanshi once said to a newspaper that caste discrimination is so rife in Bundelkhand that a Dalit has to take off his chappal and hold it in his hand if a person belonging to the Thakur caste approaches. It’s not something that would make us proud.
Fighting caste discrimination
Raghuvanshi is the founder of the People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), which fights for the rights of marginalized people in several North Indian states, especially in the area around Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh.
Raghuvanshi was born in an upper caste family, which he describes as “feudal”. He got a bachelor’s degree in ayurveda, modern medicine and surgery from the State Ayurvedic College in Haridwar. But the social inequities that faced India made him take up the cause of bonded labourers. This is when he noticed that not a single bonded labourer came from the upper caste, and realised that the problem was essentially caste.
In 1996, Raghuvanshi founded PVCHR to fight the caste system. He works to ensure basic rights to vulnerable groups like children, women, Dalits, tribes and minorities. Raghuvanshi and his team works at the grassroots level in Varanasi and around 200 villages in Uttar Pradesh and five other states. PVCHR works to eliminate situations that give rise to the exploitation of vulnerable and marginalized groups, and to start a movement for a people-friendly movement (Jan Mitra Samaj) through an inter-institutional approach.
Raghuvanshi has his task cut out for him since the lot of Dalits and other oppressed minorities continues to be dismal. “In the past, if anyone from the lower caste breached the unwritten law of caste hierarchy, the person would be beaten up in public. Now the person will be shot dead and the village burnt down and the women raped. A bridegroom riding a horse during his wedding, an enterprising peasant digging a well on his land, if a boy falls in love with a girl – do you kill them? Yet, if they belong to the Dalit caste they are killed. We still say that there is rule of law in India,” he said in his acceptance speech while receiving the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights.
He is also concerned about the plight of women and children in this country. “India is still very much a patriarchal and caste-based society with gender discrimination. The destructive effects of gender discrimination, patriarchal oppression and the semi-feudal society so prevalent in 21st century India are manifest in our 55 million children, employed at times in subhuman conditions,” he says in a newspaper interview.
Raghuvanshi received the Gwangju Human Rights Award in 2007. He was made an Ashoka Fellow in 2001 and was presented the International Human Rights Prize of the City of Weimar (Germany) in 2010. Raghuvanshi once said to a newspaper that caste discrimination is so rife in Bundelkhand that a Dalit has to take off his chappal and hold it in his hand if a person belonging to the Thakur caste approaches. It’s not something that would make us proud.
Thursday, January 24, 2013
PVCHR: India: Threats to human rights defenders of PVCHR
PVCHR: India: Threats to human rights defenders of PVCHR
Monday, January 14, 2013
Thanks to Janab Amitabh Bachchan
Sunday, October 21, 2012
PVCHR: A tale of two villages:a story of Economist
PVCHR: A tale of two villages:a story of Economist: Malnutrition in the area persists, says Lenin Raghuvanshi of a non-governmental organisation in eastern Uttar Pradesh. from the report...
Tuesday, October 09, 2012
PVCHR: Reconciliation to honor the reconciliation movemen...
PVCHR: Reconciliation to honor the reconciliation movemen...: Nobel peace prize should be recognize the Shraman Culture(Culture of inclusiveness),non-violence of Budha and Gandhi ji with non-violen...
Monday, August 13, 2012
Open Letter to the Government of South Asian Countries
PVCHR: Open Letter to the Government of South Asian Count...: To, Government of India, Government of Pakistan Government of Bangladesh Government of Bhutan Government of Sri Lanka Governme...
Sunday, July 15, 2012
The prevention of torture law is a much-needed step to embellish India’s credentials as country with a sound criminal justice system
PVCHR: The prevention of torture law is a much-needed ste...: http://www.mynews.in/News/the_prevention_of_torture_law_is_a_much_needed_step_to_embellish_indias_credentials_as_country_with_a_sound_cri...
Tuesday, July 10, 2012
Equality for Dalits: Does it exist? - Kashmir Times
Equality for Dalits: Does it exist? - Kashmir Times
| Equality for Dalits: Does it exist? | ||
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| Book Review Justice, Liberty, Equality: Dalits in Independent India Author: Lenin Raghuvanshi Publisher: Frontpage Publications, London, U.K Year of Publication: 2012 Price: Not Mentioned Pages: 135 ISBN: 9789381043042 Dalits in India have been suffering since time immemorial in India. Hinduism which believed in Varna system of caste coupled with the Aryan supremacy structured the prejudice, bias and exploitation against dalits. It was deemed to be God ordained commandment on the higher castes to demean, exploit and kill them with impunity. They were destined by God to suffer immortally, thus placed outside the Varna system. The upper castes by trampling their rights and perpetuating atrocities against them were fulfilling the God’s plan. This situation should have changed after the Independence of India in 1947. Indian State adopted secularism and democracy as its foundational pillars of constitution which guaranteed equal rights to all irrespective of religion, caste, color, class, gender, region and community. These constitutional guarantees and rights should have been translated into action, but alas this is not the case. The present book under review by the versatile activist Lenin Raghuvanshi is a testimonial documentation of atrocities, exploitation and abuse of rights of Dalits in “free India’. In the Introduction of the book, Lenin depicts the police violence against Dalits, Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes, Crimes against their women and how the culture of impunity shields the guilty. This culture of impunity against the criminals is the biggest threat to the rule of law in India. Lenin woefully states about the Dalit women as, “Dalits are considered untouchables in Indian society yet rape of Dalit women is not considered a taboo by the upper castes. In fact, the latter uses rape as an instrument of continuous subjugation. Dalit women bear a triple burden: discrimination and exploitation based on caste, class and gender. Women are also victims of violence by security forces and armed opposition groups, traditional justice delivery system like ‘caste panchayat’ (illegal body of caste based system in villages) and cruel cultural practices like sati, honor killing and witch hunts. Discriminatory attitudes and lack of sensitization to the dynamics of crimes involving sexual or domestic violence leave victims without critical police aid or redress to which they are entitled”. Talking about the state of impunity enjoyed by police and security forces Lenin states “In fact, almost every section of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPc), 1973 provides some kind of impunity. For example, section 46 empowers the police to shoot to kill any accused charged with a crime punishable by death if that accused person attempts to escape from police custody. The police forces of Andhra Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh have made extensive use of this section to cover up fake encounters, killing hundreds of hapless detainees”. Lenin then goes on to describe south of every village as South Africa because it contains Dalits against whom invisible apartheid is still prevalent. The discrimination against Dalits is both intrinsic and external. The Dalits are illiterate hence they are not aware of their constitutional rights; hence fail to alleviate their status. Rest the caste system is embedded in the Indian society and it manifests itself in various forms. The state of impunity is reinforced by the caste considerations as police fails to bring the culprits of crimes against dalits to book either due to caste bias, influence or lure of money. Dalits many times are collectively punished by the upper castes for the crime or mistake of a single Dalit. These examples bring fore the sad fact that spread of literacy hasn’t helped people grow more empathic towards dalits. Also it unveils a gory reality that Indian State has failed to inculcate spirit and virtues of equality and harmony among its institutions. Lenin then moves on to document the plight of Musahar community and their day to day woes. He laments at the post active attitude of the administration in curbing the starvation deaths in this community. The land that is allotted to the Dalits is taken away by upper caste people, and the upper caste Hindu money lenders keep them under perpetual bondage. In this age too there exist bonded laborers in the community. Lenin has worked for Musahars despite impediments by releasing many bonded laborers and establishing a community school, as previously most children were drop outs. He holds the public distribution system responsible for the starvation deaths, as it is corrupt. The medical facilities are lacking which add to the mortality rate. The police still operate on the colonial structure with a communal mindset. Lenin is of the firm opinion that Indian police learnt demoralization and community punishment from the practice of caste system. He then relates many stories of police torture victims. The role of police in fake encounters is also well known, and how they operate in communal riots reinforcing victimization of the minorities. The police torture is widespread in India, and “The biggest problem in combating the State on the issues of torture in India has been the non availability of verifiable data” (P-48). In many cases false medical reports of torture victims are produced in league with medical doctors and sometimes reports are concocted by Police themselves. Lenin is aware of the Legal flaws, “The judiciary is hampered by lack of specific legislation to address cases of torture and human rights violations by the security forces as well due to delayed judicial processes. All these leave the poor victim lonelier, shattered and completely disintegrated, irrespective of economic status” (P-49). Lenin wants and desires, “India is yet to adopt any legislation recognizing the right to compensation for human rights violations. The government continues to maintain its reservation to Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which states that under the Indian legal system there is no enforceable right to compensation for persons claiming to be victims of unlawful arrest or detention against the State. The courts and National Human Rights institutions, however, have awarded compensation for human rights violations, including torture”. (P-49). The chapter on Testimonial Therapy is the jewel of the book. It gives hope to the victims of torture to overcome the psychological trauma in post torture phase. But only a few pages are dedicated to explain the testimonial therapy. Lenin abruptly moves to the Shrinking Livelihood in India. He quotes as case studies, the decline in the production of world famous Benaras Silk, as a result of the rival Chinese silk. Lenin relates the diseases associated with the handlooms and the Tuberculosis being rampant among the handloom workers and weavers. Then he again states about the severe malnutrition in Uttar Pradesh, though it is not Somalia. Lenin continues with the child starvation deaths this time in Ghasias community, who are also victim of government apathy. The last two chapters deal with Rule of Lords, Political Patronage & how caste, patriarchy and corruption help in perpetuation of the same. Lenin relates violence against women, in the form of infanticide, honor killings, domestic violence, child marriages, infant and maternal mortality rates. If certain women make it to the panchayats still their husbands control the affairs. Lenin then goes on to track the record of victims of fake encounters, extra and custodial killings by the Police since 1960s, which rose to epidemic proportions in early 1990s when innocents were being targeted as Maoists, Sikh militants or Islamic Jihadi extremists. The incompetence of National Human Rights Commission to protect human rights of innocents has rendered it as a toothless tiger. The State also acts softly on Hindutva fascist cadres. To add insult to injury criminalization of politics is ruling roost. Overall the book is a welcome read and must for everyone who wants to be aware of the underbelly of Indian State. But the scheme of chapters and selection of case studies at times betray the title of the book, the scope of the book is much wider than its title conveys. It covers a lot of ground, but thematically it appears to be jumbled in a hurry. Despite its flaws Lenin needs to be congratulated for his endeavor. This book is a testimony to the fact that there are serious problems and grave issues with the project of ‘Shining India’. (The author is Writer-Activist based in Srinagar, Kashmir and can be reached at sikandarmushtaq@gmail.com) |
Thursday, July 05, 2012
Friday, June 22, 2012
PVCHR: It is honor of Shraman culture(culture of inclusiv...
PVCHR: It is honor of Shraman culture(culture of inclusiv...: It is honor of Shraman culture(culture of inclusiveness). Teaching of Baba saheb and Budhha converted Lenin Raghuvanshi from upper c...
Tuesday, June 19, 2012
Tuesday, June 05, 2012
Vote for Lenin Raghuvanshi for Roland Berger Human Dignity Award: Please vote Lenin Raghuvanshi as reconciliation mo...
Vote for Lenin Raghuvanshi for Roland Berger Human Dignity Award: Please vote Lenin Raghuvanshi as reconciliation mo...: Please vote for Lenin Raghuvanshi /PVCHR, my organisation, for the Roland Berger Human Dignity Award. Process of Voting: Whe...
Sunday, May 27, 2012
Thursday, March 22, 2012
Tuesday, March 06, 2012
Thursday, March 01, 2012
Tuesday, November 29, 2011
Monday, September 19, 2011
Sunday, August 21, 2011
Tuesday, August 16, 2011
Thursday, August 04, 2011
Sunday, July 10, 2011
Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR): Call for a neo-Dalit movement to overthrow feudali...
Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR): Call for a neo-Dalit movement to overthrow feudali...: "Abstract India is a beautiful country. A land of great and long History populated by many different peoples, from many different origins, a..."
Sunday, June 12, 2011
Sunday, June 05, 2011
Saturday, June 04, 2011
Sunday, May 29, 2011
Thursday, May 05, 2011
Saturday, March 19, 2011
Wednesday, March 16, 2011
Friday, March 11, 2011
Tuesday, March 08, 2011
सरोकार » पुलिस बेगुनाह मुसहर को परेशान करती है
सरोकार » पुलिस बेगुनाह मुसहर को परेशान करती है
पुलिस बेगुनाह मुसहर को परेशान करती है
डॉ. लेनिन रघुवंशी पूर्वी उत्तरप्रदेश में ग़रीब और कमज़ोर लोगों के साथ होने वाले ज़ोर-जुल्म की कहानियां लगातार सरोकार को भेज रहे हैं. इस बार पेश है वाराणसी में पुलिस उत्पीड़न के शिकार कमलेश मुसहर की दास्तां उन्हीं की जुबानी
मेरा नाम कमलेश मुसहर है। मैं ग्राम-गाँगकला, पोस्ट-बड़ागाँव, थाना-बड़ागाँव, ब्लाक-बड़ागाँव, तहसील-पिण्डरा, जिला-वाराणसी का रहने वाला हूँ। मेरे परिवार में मेरी पत्नी शांति देवी है। मेरी तीन लडकियाँ तथा दो लड़के है। सभी लड़कियों और एक लड़के की शादी मैंने किसी तरह कर दी है। अभी एक लड़का जिसकी शादी की उम्र हो गयी है लेकिन पुलिस यातना के कारण शारीरिक रूप से अस्वस्थ होने के कारण अभी तक उसका विवाह नहीं हो पाया है।
पहले मैं शादी में बाजा बजाने का काम करता था, लेकिन अभी अस्वस्थ और दमा के रोगी होने के कारण मै भट्ठे पर अपनी पत्नी की मजदूरी करने में मदद करता हूँ। आज से करीब दस साल पहले अपने परिवार के साथ हँसी ख़ुशी जीवन बिता रहा था। तभी उसी साल (2000) गर्मी के महीने में एक आँधी सी आयी और मेरी जिन्दगी तहस-नहस हो गयी। मैं अपनी बहन के यहाँ लड़के की शादी में धरसौना गाँव में गया था। शादी कुशल-मंगल बीतने के बाद सभी रिश्तेदार अपने घर वापस चले गये। मैं भी वापस घर आ गया। मुझे यह बात उस समय पता नहीं था कि धरसौना में किसी राजभर की हत्या हुई है। शादी से आकर थक कर हम लोग मड़ई के बाहर नींद में सो रहे थे, तभी रात के करीब ग्यारह बजे पुलिस की गाड़ी बस्ती के बाहर आकर रूकी। गाड़ी की तेज आवाज सुनकर मेरी नींद खुली तो देखा-पुलिस! मैं आँख मलते हुए डर से खड़ा हो गया और सोचा इतनी रात को बस्ती में पुलिस क्यो आयी। दरोगा और पुलिस बस्ती में छा गये और १४ लोगों को मेरी बस्ती से ले जाने लगे। रात होने के कारण बस्ती के सभी लोग कहीं अन्दर कहीं बाहर सोये थे। मैंने हिम्मत करके डरते हुए पुलिस से पूछा-‘साहब हमें क्यो ले जा रहे हैं, हमारा गुनाह क्या है।’ तब पुलिस ने गन्दी-गन्दी गालियां देते हुए और मुझे मारते हुए कहा-‘‘साले चलो थाने वहीं तुम्हें बताता हूँ।’’ यह सुनते ही मेरा साँस की रफ्तार और तेज हो गई। मेरे बदन से पसीना निकलने लगा। वो लोग मुझे थाने ले गये। हम सभी लोग परेशान थे। थाने में फूलपुर थाने के गिरफ्तार लोग भी आये थे। थाने में जगह न होने के कारण कुछ लोग बाहर रहते थे कुछ थाने में ताला बन्द करके थाने के अन्दर रह रहे थे। सभी मुसहर ही थाने में थे। मैं रात भर यही सोच रहा था कि क्या इस हत्या के जुर्म के आरोपी सभी मुसहर ही हैं।
साथ ही साथ मुझे अपने परिवार की चिंता भी सता रही थी। जैसे-तैसे रात गुजर गयी, सुबह होने पर कुछ उम्मीद हुई कि शायद ये लोग पुछताछ करके
कमलेश की जली हुई मड़ई
छोड़ देंगे, लेकिन ऐसा नहीं हुआ। एक के बाद एक-एक कर के सभी मुसहरो को छोड़ने लगे। मैं सोच रहा था शायद अब मेरा नम्बर आयेगा। मैं भी अपने घर जाऊँगा, लेकिन मेरी उम्मीदों पर पानी फिर गया। मैं और मेरे साथ चारो लोगों को पुलिस हिरासत से छुटकारा न मिला। मुझसे और इन लोगों से पुलिस बार-बार पुछती-‘‘क्यों, तुमने राजभर की हत्या की है?’ मैंने कहा-‘‘मैं किसी राजभर को नहीं जानता, मैंने किसी को नहीं मारा है।’’ तब वह मुझे डंडे से मारते और बोलते तुम अपना जुर्म कबूल नहीं कर रहे हो। वे मुझे जबरदस्ती हत्या का आरोपी बना रहे थे, कह रहे थे-‘‘तुम्हारी रिश्तेदारी धरसौना है।’’ मैं सोचने लगा रिश्तेदारी होने के कारण मुझे इतनी बड़ी सजा मिल रही है। जहाँ-जहाँ रिश्तेदारी है क्या वहाँ कोई किसी भी तरह की घटना घटेगी तो मैं उसका जिम्मेदार हो जाऊँगा। मैं उनकी मार खाता और रोता रहता, दिन भर यही सिलसिला चलता रहा। दुसरे दिन सभी मुसहरो को छोड़ दिया गया। मुझे ही सिर्फ पुलिस की हिरासत में रखा गया। यह देख मैं और डर गया कि कहीं यह लोग मुझे जेल न भेज दें, तब मेरा और मेरे घर वालों का क्या होगा। मेरी कच्ची गृहस्थी थी, सभी मेरे ऊपर आश्रित थे। घर के लोग जो कुछ बनी मजदूरी मिलती, उसी को करके अपना पेट चला रहे थे। मेरी पत्नी का रो-रोकर बुरा हाल हो गया था। मैं भी पुलिस की मार से कमजोर हो गया था। थाने में रूखा-सुखा मिलता था, पर खाया नहीं जाता था। डंडे मारने से थकने के बाद पुलिस ने जबरदस्ती जुर्म कबूल करने के लिए मेरे पैरों पर रोलर चलवाया, मैं चिखता-चिल्लाता, ‘‘साहब! यह क्या कर रहे है।’’ लेकिन मुझ पर उनको दया नहीं आयी। रोलर चलने के बाद मेरा शरीर ढीला पड़ गया, जैसे लग रहा था जान ही नहीं है। मै बहुत रो रहा था, बार-बार यही शब्द मेरे मुँह से निकलता, मैंने कोई हत्या नहीं की है, मुझे मत मारो, लेकिन वो लोग एक न सुनते। मैंने अपनी जिन्दगी में सोचा भी नहीं था कि यह दिन मुझे देखना पड़ेगा। मेरा घर मेरे बच्चे व पत्नी सभी परेशान और दुःखी थे। मेरी हालत के बारे में सुनकर उनका भी रो-रोकर बुरा हाल हो गया था। पुलिस के इस व्यवहार को देखकर मुझे लगता था मैं यहाँ से जिन्दा वापस अपने परिवार में नही जा पाऊँगा। मार के साथ-साथ पुलिस मुझे भद्दी-भद्दी गालियाँ भी देती थी। तीसरे दिन मेरी स्थिति अधिक खराब होती देख उन लोगों ने मुझे छोड़ दिया। लेकिन मेरे शारीर पर इतनी चोट थी कि मैं अपने पैरों पर उठ कर चल नहीं पा रहा था। कोशिश कर रहा था कि किसी तरह इनके चंगुल से निकल कर मैं अपने घर जाऊं। मैं एक-एक कदम रखते हुए किसी तरह बाहर निकला, तभी फिर पुलिस वाले मुझे बोले ‘‘यहीं रुको, कोई आये-जाये तो उसे पानी पिलाना।’’ यह सुनते ही मेरे होश उड़ गए, “शारीर फिर निर्जीव-सा हो गया। दस दिन तक थाने में रह कर आने-जाने वाले लोगों को नाश्ता-पानी करवाता और खाना बनाता। बार-बार मन में यही ख्याल आता, एक तो मेरे ऊपर इतनी ज्यादती की और मुझे घर पर भी जाने नहीं दे रहे हैं। मुझसे दस दिन तक गुलामी करवाया। मुझे मजदूरी भी नहीं दी। मुझे बहुत दुःख हो रहा था लेकिन वहाँ से छूटने पर मेरी जान में जान आयी, मैं घर चला आया।
आज भी मुझे पुलिस से डर लगता है क्योंकि पुलिस बेगुनाह मुसहर को ही परेशान करती है। पुलिस की इस घटना से मेरा पारिवारिक जीवन बुरी तरह प्रभावित हुआ। वहाँ से आने के बाद मैं शारीरिक रूप से अस्वस्थ रहने लगा मुझे काम करने में दिक्कत होने लगी। जिसके कारण आर्थिक स्थिति खराब हो गयी है। बच्चे भी अब अलग रहने लगे हैं। एक लड़के की शादी की जिम्मेदारी सिर पर है। टेस्टीमोनियल थेरेपी के तहत ’मानवाधिकार जन निगरानी समिति’ द्वारा टेस्टीमोनियल थेरेपी प्रदान की गयी। टेस्टीमोनियल थेरेपी के तहत मनोवैज्ञानिक व सामाजिक उपचार से राहत मिली थी कि तभी अचानक दिसम्बर माह में मड़ई में आग लग गयी और साड़ी गृहस्थी तबाह हो गयी। सारा समान, बिस्तर, कम्बल, कपड़ा, खटिया और अनाज जलकर खाक हो गए। उसके बाद से तो जीवन और भी बदतर हो गया है। बच्चे अलग रहते हैं। कोई भी आर्थिक मदद नही करता है। ‘मानवाधिकार जन निगरानी समिति’ वाराणसी ने रिहैबिलिटेशन एण्ड रिसर्च सेन्टर फॉर टार्चर विक्टिम्स, डेनमार्क के सहयोग से 9,800 रुपये प्रदान कर हमारे पुर्नवास में सहयोग प्रदान किया है। हम सभी निराशा की गर्त में थे, लेकिन समिति के सहयोग से हमारी जिंदगी में रोशनी आ गयी है और जीवन अब अच्छा लग रहा है।
बरखा सिंह और मीना कुमारी पटेल के साथ बातचीत पर आधारित
डॉ0 लेनिन रघुवंशी 'मानवाधिकार जन निगरानी समिति' के महासचिव हैं और वंचितों के अधिकारों पर इनके कामों के लिये इन्हें 'वाइमर ह्युमन राइट्स अवॉर्ड', जर्मनी एवं 'ग्वांजू ह्युमन राइट्स अवॉर्ड', दक्षिण कोरिया से नवाज़ा गया है. लेनिन सरोकार के लिए मानवाधिकार रिपोर्टिंग करेंगे, ऐसा उन्होंने वायदा किया है. उनसे pvchr.india@gmail.com पर संपर्क साधा जा सकता है.
Tags: kamlesh, police attrocity
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The Musahar community of North India: Bonded to caste slavery

http://www.mynews.in/fullstory.aspx?storyid=3897#
The Musahar community, in Northern India, is socially and economically one of the most marginalized communities in India and they are poorest amongst poor. The Musahar community falls under the category of the Scheduled Caste.
Although the practice of untouchability is a crime in Indian law the Musahar community is not allowed to enjoy ordinary social life with the mainstream society and to share common amenities in the village.
People from the Musahar community are deprived of owning property, means of livelihood, and education. For their survival they work as laborers in the agricultural fields or do some other hard physical labour. The remuneration for such work is given in kind, mostly discarded food or grains. Due to this they do not have any savings that they could use during times of need. This forces them into starvation at times when they have no regular work.
In such a situation Musahar community largely depends upon the Public Distribution System (PDS) to get food grains at subsidised rate for their survival. But due to corruption in the bureaucracy and due to an almost defunct judiciary, often weaker sections of society are denied of the food grains in the villages because the PDS licensee can easily escape from their criminal offences and malpractices.
Musahars are estimated between 5 lakhs to 7 lakhs in Uttar Pradesh and concentrated in eastern belt of Uttar Pradesh in districts Kushinagar, Maharajganj, Deoria and are also found in Siddharthnagar, Mau, Jaunpur, Chandouli, Gazipur, Mirzapur and Varanasi districts. Exact figures are not available as they are included in SC category in the state but were not counted separately in last census. They are estimated to be closer to 3 millions in Bihar.
For the purpose of the present study villages Dhuriyaghat, Karmaini and Doghra from block Kasaya in district Kushinagar, villages Ledhi and Ramnagar Badiya from block Nichllol in dist Maharajganj and village Ranipur from block Katiya in dist Gopalganj were visited.
A landless community which was traditionally dependent on forest was slowly pushed from the forest areas as forests were nationalized, depleted and land based economy took over. A resource less community found itself on the mercy of landed class which exploited them as bonded labourer for the weeding, harvesting and cleaning the fields. This work of cleaning the field from rats and later using the grain from rats burrow may have given them the name 'Musahars' (musa-rat and ahar-diet) and hence community whose diet is rats.
The community was further pushed towards pauperization as lands were divided and the harvesters were introduced. With the forests out of bound for the community they also lost their supplementary income which they used to get from supplying leaf plates during marriages and community events.
Brahmins, Thakurs, Yadavs are the main land holders in the area. But the landholdings of Musahar community are almost nil or meager. In villages we visited (5 in U.P. and 1 in Bihar) only 25% of people from 2 villages had land and average land holding is not more than 1 to 2 bigha. They got these lands when the Land Ceiling Act was implemented. But in 75% of cases they do not have control over land as original landholders had managed to get stay orders from the court. Plus their land is not irrigated, stony and far away near forest.
Musahars work as agricultural labourers for land holding castes and mainly do weeding and harvesting work. They earn Rs 40/-(men) and Rs 25/-(women) for harvesting and Rs 25/-(men) and Rs 15/-(women) for the weeding work. These wages are far below the minimum wages of Uttar Pradesh which is Rs100/-. Both these jobs are seasonal and give them employment for not more than 3 months in a year.
In rest of the year they either work as casual labourers for both agricultural and non-agricultural works earning not more Rs 40/- to Rs 60/- a day.
Many of them also work in the brick –kilns and earn Rs 70/- a day but here also their incomes are not substantial as none of them are skilled to do work of a fireman which is highly specialized work in the brick-kiln.
In the lean agricultural season due to lack of any other livelihood options Musahars migrate to other parts of the country traveling up to Delhi and Punjab where they work as casual labourers in construction industry earning not more than Rs 70/- to Rs 80/- a day and merely surviving on these wages. Some of them also move towards Jaipur where they are employed in the small textile units to colour the cloth and earn up to Rs 100/- a day. But all these jobs are in unorganized, underpaid sectors and they are part of the vast pool of migrants merely surviving on pittance. As a result none of them are able to break the cycle of bondage and poverty.
The family back home survives on the casual labour and also on debts. Marwaris and Brahmins are the main money lenders in the area. The interest rates are not less than 10% and mounting up to 15% to 20% which binds them to permanent bondage.
The status of Musahars is so pitiable that they do not even own the land on which they have built their kachha houses. They stay on the common lands of gram panchayat on the outskirt of the main village even far off from other SC houses. Devoid of electricity, proper roads, water and sanitation Musahars bastis look like castaway.
In spite of their numerical strength in many villages of eastern Uttar Pradesh they are reduced to inconsequential status as they are neither organized as vote bank nor do they have resources either tangible in terms of land or money nor skills to bargain their position in society.
Traditionally they had voted for the landed class who were their masters in life represented by Congress party but in the last state election they shifted their allegiance to Bahujan Samaj Party. But this shift has largely gone unnoticed in a state where highest numerical caste of 'Chamar' followed by second highest 'Brahmins' have joined hands to form the winning alliance.
The community which has been left behind by the society finds itself at the tail end of all the government schemes. As one of the poorest group who do not have any sustainable livelihood options and hence who faces severe food insecurity, they should have been entitled to receive the maximum benefits of food schemes. But here also they are at the receiving end.
The PDS was initiated in India decades ago to help the marginalised and the poor sections of Indian society. It is a system through which the government distributes rationed articles for subsidised price. However, the PDS shop owners/licensees do not distribute the articles for the poor people, but sell the articles in black market to private hotels.
Illegal dealing in rationed articles is a crime under the provisions of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955. However, it is for the local police to register a crime and investigate it. But since the police fail to do this duty owing to massive corruption and the rationed articles never reach the needy.
The same long standing question is that why does it happen? Why the people, who are already in a convenient position and enjoying the privileges of good social and economic living conditions, could dig into the resources earmarked for the poor amongst the poorest?
It is possible only because of the endless division of Indian society on the basis of caste and institutionalised corruption. Centralised, complex and absolutely obscure nature of bureaucracy leaves no place for transparency at any level within the system; even the judiciary is no exception to this. In such a situation, the state police have been reduced to a uniformed, but bottom to top corrupt force paid from the government exchequer.
This is probably the reason why in spite of several judgments and directions of Supreme Court of India regarding right to food the judgments failed to have any effect to change the status quo. The plight of 18 Musahar families of Sarai village of Varanasi who are still deprived of the benefit of the social security schemes and right to food is a glaring example.
I urge to Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh to express my concern for the state government''s abject failure to address the ongoing corruption and negligence of district administration at different levels which is causing starvation and malnutrition among Musahar community. I call for investigations and disciplinary action to be taken against the government officials responsible for failure to ensure the right to livelihood of the poor amongst the poorest.




